Friday, October 30, 2015

Japan Lost Indonesian Railway Contract To China

Indonesians have a long memory, and the Japanese colonisation during WWII has not been forgiven nor forgotten  

By Vladimir Terehov

October 16, 2015 will undoubtedly be a significant "milestone" in the future analytical study of the political game change in the South-East Asia.

A 40-sen Sacred Dancer of Djokja Palace and
Borobudur occupation stamp (Netherlands 
Indies Scott N9) issued under Japanese  
On this day, in the capital of Indonesia, Jakarta, the Chinese China Railway International and the Indonesian PT Pillar Sinergi BUMN signed documents on the establishment of a joint venture (Indonesia will hold 60% and China – 40%), which will carry out the construction of a high-speed Jakarta-Bandung railway.

The railway will cover the distance of 150 km. The average speed of express trains will reach 200-250 km/h. Travel time will drop from current three hours to just 30-40 minutes. 

Construction of the railway will start next year, and it is planned to put it into operation in 2019. 

Total cost of the project is estimated at $5.5 bn. It will be the first high-speed railway not only in Indonesia, but also in the entire South-East Asia. For China, too, this will the first project of this kind abroad.

Execution of documents puts an end to long and fierce competition between China and Japan in the pursuit to win the contract for construction of the first project envisaged by the ambitious plans of the current President of Indonesia Joko Widodo aiming to develop transport infrastructure as a prerequisite for further economic progress of the country.

Sofyan Djalil, head of the Indonesian National Development Planning Agency, delivered the unpleasant news to Japan during his visit to the country in September. According to Japanese press, the information came as a shock to Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga who was hosting the head of Indonesian administration. At a meeting with journalists Yoshihide Suga said that the news was “extremely regrettable” and that it was “difficult to understand” the motives behind the decision of the Indonesian government.

Map prepared by the Japanese during World War II, depicting Java, the most populous island in the Dutch East Indies

Japan had some good reasons to assume that victory in the Indonesian tender was almost in its pocket, because back in 2008, Jakarta started to contact Japanese companies to get consultancy services on the development of high-speed rail transport. According to estimates, the cost of these and other services provided by Japanese companies ran up to $5 million.

Today Japan is of the opinion that the Chinese competitors sidestepped recent regulators in high-speed railway industry simply because they were able to propose better project financing terms, and not due to any advantages over the Japanese technologies. In particular, it is stated that the Indonesian counterparts were not satisfied with the demand to provide government guarantee from Djakarta for the loan that Japan was ready to grant in case of winning the tender.

Civilians in Beaufort whose condition shows the harshness of the Japanese occupation of British North Borneo, 20 July 1945. The mother and her children, suffering from malnutrition, malaria and scabies, are about to be treated by a field ambulance of the 9th Division
[AWM 111823]

However, Japan continued to keep its hopes for success even after early in September Indonesia dropped both Chinese and Japanese projects which required a certain degree of financial participation of the Indonesian government. It seems that by the end of September China issued a radical decision to fully abandon the idea of engaging Indonesian government in project implementation and this circumstance allegedly influenced Jakarta’s final decision.

According to Yang Zhongmin, the chairman of China Railway International Co., his company was successful because it applied a business-to-business marketing technology which is commonly used in transactions between trade dealers. In the case with Indonesian high-speed railway China offered a set of services to the Indonesian colleagues, including “the transfer of technology, investments and experience of the maintenance staff“.

When World War II broke out in Europe and spread to the Pacific, the Japanese occupied the Dutch East Indies as of March 1942

Yang Zhongmin expressed confidence in the project’s success and its further development. When saying that, he apparently implied the plans of the Indonesian government to extend the original 150-kilometer road to 750 km and, by doing so, to connect three of six provinces of the Java Island with the high-speed railway.

It is worth mentioning that Indonesia views the development of transport infrastructure in the wide context of creating the associated clusters of the modern industry, which will help to create workplaces for hundreds of thousands of the Indonesians. With this in the mind, China expressed its readiness to arrange the production of express trains in Indonesia with the subsequent sale by the same joint venture both on the domestic and foreign markets.

The scale and significance of an extremely important victory of China in the Indonesian tender go far beyond the framework of this specific project and are interpreted from different perspectives. In particular, there is an opinion that participation of China in the construction of a modern railway infrastructure in Indonesia signals the beginning of the Maritime Silk Road concept implementation, which (as well as its land version) has not been finally shaped yet. 

It seems, however, that as far as this project is concerned, China was not looking to achieve some “global” objectives. Rather, Beijing’s actions should be construed in the context of China’s relations with its opponents in the extremely important South-East Asia and, in particular, in its key country.

The victory in the ambitious Indonesian tender symbolized the first noticeable success of the Chinese policy towards its southern neighbors, which was significantly adjusted in autumn 2013, when Chinese leader Xi Jinping visited Indonesia. From that time on, the “pushy” Chinese foreign policy started “toning down” (at least in terms of rhetoric), although prior to that it used to alert China’s neighbors and expanded the opportunity for the geopolitical opponents to intervene in the situation in the South-East Asia.

Japan, being a key opponent, comes out most noticeably. It regarded the defeat in the Indonesian tender as a serious blow to the newly fine-tuned economic policy of the prime minister Shinzo Abe, one of the core ingredients of which was supposed to be the expanding activity of Japanese companies in the foreign markets and, first of all, in the South-East Asia.

Besides, the political aspects of the failure on the Indonesian market are as important to Japan as they are to its main geopolitical opponent – China. As New Eastern Outlook has repeatedly noted in its articles, the situation in the South-East Asia is becoming ever more important for Tokyo from the standpoint of its foreign policy and the problems associated with security in a broad sense of this term.

The Japanese occupation of Indonesia was characterised by brutality and the murder of all Indonesians that dare rebel against the invaders

Japan has sustained a severe, but not a disastrous stroke in the extremely important sub-region. Cooperation in the realm of defense between Japan and Indonesia will undoubtedly continue, especially since it got a new meaning after President Joko Widodo visited Tokyo in March 2015.

As for Indonesia, the challenge of selecting the winner in the “railway” tender must have been a difficult task for its government, since they had to choose between two leading regional powers, and the country has to maintain productive relations with both of them.

U.S. Marines take on the Japanese in Papua

From this perspective, the way in which the unpleasant news was delivered to Tokyo appears noteworthy. We can only speculate that most probably, the envoy of the Indonesian government brought to Tokyo something like an apology and a reassurance that “you still have good chances.”

Finally, it is worth mentioning the concurrence between the time when Tokyo was notified of its defeat in the tender and the time when the Japanese National Diet passed new defense law. The concurrence is, of course, accidental, but symbolic.

At that very time when Japan decided to strengthen the role of the military component in the “tool kit” for achievement of national interests on the international arena, it suffered defeat in shaping its course towards them with the help of economy, which it had usually managed to do successfully during the last 50-60 years.

Indonesian and U.S. Marine brothers maintain their bonds to this day: Indonesia Marines and U.S. Marines with 3rd Battalion, 3rd Marine Regiment, run during a morning physical training session during Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training 2013 in Antralina, Indonesia

It feels like the concurrence is conveying some message, doesn’t it?

Vladimir Terekhov, expert on the Asia-Pacific region, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook.

This news bureau contains copyrighted material the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. We are making such material available in our efforts to advance understanding of environmental, political, human rights, economic, democracy, scientific, and social justice issues, etc.  We believe this constitutes a 'fair use' of any such copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law. In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, the material on this site is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for research and educational purposes.

Is War Beautiful?

"Paper of record" shilling and propagandising for war once again as Obama and Pentagon madmen continue their ceaseless provocations in ASEAN and the Middle East  

By David Swanson

“War Is Beautiful” is the ironic title of a beautiful new book of photographs. The subtitle is “The New York Times Pictorial Guide to the Glamour of Armed Conflict.” There’s an asterisk after those words, and it leads to these: “(In which the author explains why he no longer reads The New York Times).” The author never explains why he read the New York Times to begin with.

The author of this remarkable book, David Shields, has selected color war photographs published on the front page of the New York Times over the last 14 years. He’s organized them by themes, included epigrams with each section, and added a short introduction, plus an afterword by Dave Hickey.

Some of us have long opposed subscribing to or advertising in the New York Times, as even peace groups do. We read occasional articles without paying for them or accepting their worldview.

We know that the impact of the Times lies primarily in how it influences television “news” reports.

But what about Times readers? The biggest impact that the paper has on them may not be in the words it chooses and omits, but rather in the images that the words frame.

The photographs that Shields has selected and published in a large format, one on each page, are powerful and fantastic, straight out of a thrilling and mythical epic. One could no doubt insert them into the new Star Wars movie without too many people noticing.

The photos are also serene: a sunset on a beach lined with palm trees — actually the Euphrates river; a soldier’s face just visible amid a field of poppies.


We see soldiers policing a swimming pool — perhaps a sight that will someday arrive in the Homeland, as other sights first seen in images from foreign wars already have. We see collective military exercises and training, as at a desert summer camp, full of camaraderie in crises.

There’s adventure, sports, and games. A soldier looks pleased by his trick as he holds a dummy head with a helmet on the end of a stick in front of a window to get it shot at.


War seems both a fun summer camp and a serious, solemn, and honorable tradition, as we see photos of elderly veterans, militaristic children, and U.S. flags back Home. Part of the seriousness is the caring and philanthropic work exhibited by photos of soldiers comforting the children they may have just orphaned.

We see sacred U.S. troops protecting the people whose land they have been bombing and throwing into turmoil. We see our heroes’ love for their visiting Commander, George W. Bush.

Sometimes war can be awkward or difficult.

There’s a bit of regrettable suffering.

Occasionally it is tragically intense.

But for the most part a rather boring and undignified death about which no one really cares comes to foreigners (outside the United States there are foreigners everywhere) who are left in the gutter as people walk away.

"Regrettable suffering"

The war itself, centrally, is a technological wonder bravely brought out of the goodness of our superior hearts to a backward region in which the locals have allowed their very homes to turn to rubble. An empty settlement is illustrated by a photo of a chair in a street.

There are water bottles upright on the ground. It looks as though a board meeting just ended.

Still, for all war’s drawbacks, people are mostly happy. They give birth and get married. Troops return home from camp after a good job done.

Handsome Marines innocently mingle with civilians. Spouses embrace their camouflaged demigods returned from the struggle. A little American boy, held by his smiling mother, grins gleefully at the grave of his Daddy who died (happily, one must imagine) in Afghanistan.

At least in this selection of powerful images, we do not see people born with gruesome birth defects caused by the poisons of U.S. weapons. We do not see people married at weddings struck by U.S. missiles. We do not see U.S. corpses lying in the gutter.

We do not see nonviolent protests of the U.S. occupations. We do not see the torture and death camps. We do not see the trauma of those who live under the bombs.

We do not see the terror when the doors are kicked in, the way we would if soldiers — like police — were asked to wear body cameras.

We do not see the “MADE IN THE USA” label on the weapons on both sides of a war. We do not see the opportunities for peace that have been studiously avoided.

We do not see the U.S. troops participating in their number one cause of death: suicide.

A few of those things may show up now and then in the New York Times, more likely on a page other than the front one. Some of those things you may not want to see with your breakfast cereal.

But there can be no question that Shields has captured a portrait of a day in the life of a war propagandist, and that the photographers, editors, and designers involved have done as much to cause the past 14 years of mass dying, suffering, and horror in the Middle East as has any single New York Times reporter or text editor.

This news bureau contains copyrighted material the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. We are making such material available in our efforts to advance understanding of environmental, political, human rights, economic, democracy, scientific, and social justice issues, etc.  We believe this constitutes a 'fair use' of any such copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law. In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, the material on this site is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for research and educational purposes.



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