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Friday, July 10, 2015

Britain Must Remember Blair's Role In 2005 London Bombings Too

Blair and Bush along with the other war criminals will ultimately face justice for their crimes along with the "mainstream media" war shills and hacks that lied both countries into the illegal, immoral Iraq and Afghan wars   

WORLD NEWS
By Dallas Darling
07/09/2015

London was still in disbelief the morning after July 7, 2005


The four suicide bombers on the previous day against underground trains-Liverpool Street station, Edgware Road station, King's Cross and Russell Square station, and a bus in Tavistock Square-paralyzed London's transport system. They also killed 56 people and left more than 700 injured. Just as shocking was an unknown Islamic group that claimed responsibility. The British public was stunned as well to find the four bombers were all British born and had never attracted the attention of the police for radical Islamic views. Acquaintances remembered them more for their work and interests in sports than in the Qur'an. Two left behind pregnant wives.


As Britain and the United Kingdom pauses to commemorate the victims and rescuers of the July 7 atrocities, "how" and "wherefore" a society remembers is just as important as "what" it remembers. Since "how and wherefore" memory pertains to the cause and effect narrative of the event, shame on then-British Prime Minister Tony Blair when he stood up in Parliament ten years ago and announced: "They are trying to use the slaughter of innocent people to cow us..."(1) Although his statement only referred to the four suicide-murder bombers, he, too, must share in their culpability of committing the atrocities and in radicalizing the four young British Muslims to carry out the deadly attacks.


Indeed, Blair was just as guilty as the suicide bombers in cowing the British public to use the slaughter of innocent Iraqis in furthering his own legacy. 

To be certain, as early as July 23, 2002, Blair had called a meeting with senior British officials telling them that "there was a perceptible shift in attitude" towards Iraq and that "military action was now seen to be inevitable." Known as the Downing Street memo, he added that "President George W. Bush wanted to remove Saddam...justified by the conjunction of terrorism and WMD." 


He added that "the intelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy," and that "the NSC had no patience with the UN route."(2)

To the dismay of the head of Britain's M16 Intelligence Agency and Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, they added that: "It seemed clear that Bush had made up his mind to take military action, even if the timing was not yet decided. But the case was thin. Saddam was not threatening his neighbors, and his WMD capability was less than that of Libya, North Korea or Iran."(3) 

The same was true of Blair. Despite numerous National Intelligence reports and analysis and warnings from the CIA, detailing a list of false witnesses and make-believe evidence, he continued to push for a preemptive war against Iraq and of sending young British soldiers to their deaths.




For example, Blair spearheaded a British dossier which provided the first public charge that Iraq sought to buy uranium from an unspecified African country.(4) (The White Paper, that accused Niger of selling uranium to Iraq, was proven to be forged by many intelligence agencies and testimonies, even Niger's president.) Furthermore, when Bush continued to publicly lie about Hussein purchasing "significant qualities of uranium from Africa,"(5) 


Blair remained silent. He also remained quiet in a private meeting with Bush on January 31, 2003. A meeting in which Bush declared that even if the UN resolved U.S. and British accusations, "war was inevitable" and "penciled in for March 10 already."(6)

Even worse, and acknowledging that UN inspectors had not yet found WMDs, Bush and Blair conspired in three possible ways of provoking war with Iraq should the U.S. case prove insufficient. 



The first one was flying a U-2 spy plane, painted in UN colors, over Iraq to draw fire, thereby making Hussein in breach of Resolution 1441. Another provocation was the possibility of trying to produce an Iraq defector to give a public presentation on WMD's. Finally, both leaders of the Free World discussed the option and ramifications of assassinating Hussein. 


Bush in transparent attempt to "sanitise" Blair with phoney
"Peace Medal"
Both the president and prime minister then conferred about a postwar Iraq, agreeing there would not be internecine warfare.(7) At last, the U.S. and Britain, along with Spain and Bulgaria, put forth a new UN resolution calling for a March 17 deadline for Iraq to "disarm." The preemptive war against Iraq commenced two days later, with internecine warfare immediately occurring. 



Not only did the war and lengthy occupation cost thousands of British and American lives, with many more suffering from PTSD symptoms, but it killed at least one million Iraqis with another four million becoming refugees. 

And while the nine U.S. and British biological-weapons experts concluded that "there was no connection to anything biological"(8), a British parliamentary report finally calls into question the uranium transaction.(9)


Even then, Blair's culpability continued to reach from Britain to Iraq. For instance, he tried to undermine a National Intelligence Council and National Intelligence Estimateconcluding that the Iraqi insurgence is homegrown and thrives on Iraqi resentment of the U.S. and British occupation, including massive aerial bombing campaigns. He also censored reports warning that the unrest could lead to a destructive civil war, and that some young Muslims back in the states which initiated the preemptive war against Iraq and its military occupation could carry out extreme, retaliatory acts of violence and terrorism, such as suicide-homicide bombs or attacking "public places of interest."(10)


The United States' inverted-totalitarian-exceptionalism and its corporate fascist state will never allow its war criminals, like President Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney, and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld-who on Sept. 15, five days after the attacks on mainland America, noted the "scarcity of good targets in Afghanistan" and therefore suggested attacking Iraq(11)-to be arraigned and brought to trial for crimes against peace and humanity. 


However, there is still hope for Britain. There are still signs of a vibrant protest movement and of veteran families seeking a sense of justice for their sons and daughters. There is also the Chilcot Inquiry which should continue to move forward and investigate Blair. Will the civilization which initiated one of the most seminal documents in history, Magna Carta which limited absolute rule and granted certain rights, again make history? Will the nation that beheaded a king and ended the divine right to rule, continue to do so by ensuring that Blair is tried for his participatory war crimes against innocent Iraqis, even his own soldiers and people? 


Seldom do societies functionproperly without an accurate view of history and memory. 

They become so dysfunctional that they collapse. A court hearing debating Blair's crimes against peace and humanity would bring legitimacy and renew public trust.




It would also set a precedent and send a clear message across the Atlantic.


Dallas Darling (darling@wn.com)

Dallas Darling is the author of Politics 501: An A-Z Readingon Conscientious Political Thought and Action, Some NationsAbove God: 52 Weekly Reflections On Modern-Day Imperialism, Militarism, And Consumerism in the Context of John's Apocalyptic Vision, and The Other Side Of Christianity: Reflections on Faith, Politics, Spirituality, History, and Peace. He is a correspondent for www.worldnews.com. You can read more of Dallas' writings at www.beverlydarling.com and wn.com//dallasdarling.

(1) Furtado, Peter. 1001 Days That Shaped The World. Hauppauge, New York, 2008., p. 922.


(3) Ibid., p. 239.

(4) Ibid., p. 247.

(5) Ibid., p. 259.

(6) Ibid., p. 261

(7) Ibid., p. 261, 262.

(8) Ibid, p. 268.

(9) Ibid., p. 278.

(10) Ibid., p. 296.

(11) Ibid., p. 230.



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